The Fall Legislative Agenda and Prospects for Bipartisanship

Assessment of the Current Political Environment

Since Inauguration Day, the Trump Administration has moved with lightning speed to reshape America’s workforce, economy, and foreign policy. With the GOP controlling the House, Senate, and White House, partisan fervor firmly grips Washington. However, the weeks ahead present opportunities for lawmakers to advance bipartisan legislation.

With a September 30 deadline to fund the government looming, Congress is staring down a slate of must-pass bills and looming deadlines for other expiring provisions. These include issues like government funding, historically bipartisan legislation like the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) and the Farm Bill, and critical services such as the National Flood Insurance Program (NFIP), among others. There are several mechanisms through which Congress could address these priorities. Lawmakers could potentially pass an omnibus spending bill or a CRomnibus, which would combine some bills while temporarily extending others. Additionally, major bills like a continuing resolution (CR) or the NDAA could themselves become vehicles for addressing a multitude of issues. Lawmakers could potentially attach provisions to an expected short-term funding bill, effectively kicking the can down the road and extending existing programs. Alternatively, key programs could be reauthorized with slight tweaks or reforms supported by the Republican House majority and at least 60 Senators.

Speculating on potential bipartisan Congressional action is always difficult, especially in the current environment. Rapidly shifting political developments and partisan poison pills are constant threats to spoil bipartisan legislation. But, after the August recess, Congress will undoubtedly face urgent legislative priorities, notably the need to fund the government beyond September 30, with very little time for haggling. If either party hopes to avoid a costly government shutdown, then bipartisanship will be necessary. How Congressional Republicans and Democrats navigate appropriations politics, especially considering the possibility of pocket rescissions, is likely to impact the appetite for action on other matters of mutual interest. Included below is our analysis of the dynamics and prospects for bipartisanship on must-pass legislation, upcoming expirations and reauthorizations, and other issues that have garnered bipartisan support.

Bipartisan Action Required on Must-Pass Legislation

Fiscal Year 2026 (FY26) Appropriations: On September 30, the current CR will expire, leading to a government shutdown if legislators cannot reach an agreement to fund the government. While both chambers have advanced some of their FY26 bills, whether appropriators can reach a funding deal likely depends on Democrats’ success in extracting concessions, the primary one being a full-stop on future GOP-led rescissions. In March, Senate Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) faced the same predicament. For Democrats, the choice was between the perceived lesser of two evils: lend bipartisan support to a budget filled with Republican policy priorities while ensuring the government stays open or allow the government to shut down, effectively ceding control to the Executive Branch, and at that time Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), while potentially shouldering the political blame for a shutdown. Ultimately, Leader Schumer chose to work with Republicans, passing a CR much to the chagrin of the Democratic base and many House lawmakers who hoped to see strong Democratic opposition. In a positive development, just before the recess, the Senate passed its FY26 Military Construction, Veterans Affairs, and Related Agencies (MilCon-VA); Agriculture, Rural Development, Food and Drug Administration (FDA), and Related Agencies; and Legislative Branch Appropriations Bills in overwhelmingly bipartisan votes, in some cases reversing DOGE cuts. However, another factor impacting interest in dealmaking is the possibility of additional GOP action on rescissions. Following passage of a $9.4 billion rescissions package in July codifying Trump Administration cuts to the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and public broadcasting, the Executive Branch has indicated a second rescissions request targeting Department of Education funding could be forthcoming. If the request is delivered with the intent of jamming Congress with pocket rescissions, Democrats may feel less inclined to work cooperatively with Republicans on government spending. As of August, there are rumblings that GOP Congressional leadership is inclined to support a CR, perhaps into December, though a short-term funding patch is unlikely to clear the finish line without partisan posturing on both sides.

NDAA: For the past 64 consecutive years, the NDAA has been signed into law, making the annual bill authorizing funding for the military one of just a handful of bills on a shrinking list of must-pass legislation. Before the recess, the House and Senate Armed Services Committee (HASC and SASC) reported their respective bills out of committee by overwhelmingly bipartisan votes. The NDAA is scheduled to be on the House floor the second week of September, with a late August amendment filing deadline in the Rules Committee. While the chambers could use the recess to begin to preconference their bills, Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-SD) committed in Senate GOP leadership elections to hold floor debate on the Senate NDAA, which is also expected in early September. However, the Senate NDAA could get derailed if President Donald Trump pressures the Senate to confirm his new Federal Reserve appointee by the September 15 Federal Reserve meeting, Senate Republicans move to change the rules on nominees, or Republicans try to jam Democrats with a new recissions package. While partisan debates were largely kept out of the committee markups, the possibility of controversial floor amendments invoking culture war issues in the military like mask and vaccine mandates, DEI, drag shows, transgender troops, and out-of-state abortion-related travel cannot be ruled out. Efforts to reconcile the differences between the House and Senate bills will extend into the fall, but it is possible that even if some policies opposed by Democrats make their way into the final conference report, it will be difficult for the minority to vote against a massive package that supports U.S. troops. For this reason, the NDAA is likely to become a vehicle for other related national security measures, such as the Coast Guard, State Department, and intelligence reauthorization bills, as well as other miscellaneous items that need to move as part of some larger package.

Upcoming Reauthorizations/Extensions

ACA Subsidies/Other Healthcare Extenders: Though COVID-era Affordable Care Act (ACA) subsidies are not due to expire until the end of this year, the start of open enrollment this fall could create some urgency for action. If allowed to expire, millions of Americans could see increased insurance premiums or lose health coverage, straddling struggling state governments with the burden of paying for healthcare for suddenly uninsured constituents. The electoral impacts of a potential end to ACA subsidies could be a motivating factor. Polling indicates that ACA tax credits are extremely popular, with support amongst 79 percent of voters overall, including 68 percent of Trump voters. While ACA tax credits have enjoyed longstanding, universal Democratic support, red states like Florida, Georgia, and Utah have the highest numbers of ACA enrollees by population. Republican leadership appears to recognize the risk of political repercussions for slashing healthcare for low-income Americans but must navigate opposition from GOP budget hawks who favor the sunset of subsidies the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) has estimated may cost up to $350 billion over the next decade. As confronting the looming expiration of ACA subsidies is likely unavoidable, these tax credits could be attached to a CR or otherwise become the anchor for a bigger, bipartisan healthcare package. A potential package might include bipartisan measures designed to change how pharmacy benefit managers (PBMs) operate; reauthorizations of other healthcare programs expiring this year, such as the Older Americans Act (OAA) and the SUPPORT for Patients and Communities Act; and other Medicare and Medicaid extenders.

Farm Bill: Congress last passed a five-year farm bill in 2018. In November 2023, Congress enacted a one-year extension through the end of FY23 and the 2023 crop year. A second one-year extension was passed in December 2024, authorizing farm programs through September 30. While House Agriculture Committee Chairman GT Thompson (R-PA) has expressed hope about the possibility of passing a skinny, bipartisan Farm Bill, he is likely to be challenged by Democrats who argue the Farm Bill reauthorization process has been irreparably damaged by the nearly $200 billion in Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) cuts that Republicans made a lynchpin of their reconciliation package. While the Republican majorities have signaled they may be willing to work with Democrats to revisit nutrition programs as part of any Farm Bill process, and there are certainly Democrats who represent heavy agricultural districts that depend on Farm Bill programs, the prospects for a traditional Farm Bill reauthorization remain unclear. Should the stalemate on the Farm Bill continue, it is possible we could see the third consecutive Farm Bill extension, perhaps attached to a CR.

NFIP: Across the country, flooding is increasingly wreaking havoc. In fact, more than 3,000 flash flood warnings have been issued in the U.S. to date, a record since the modern warning system was implemented in 1986. NFIP, which provides affordable flood insurance to homes and businesses while encouraging adoption of responsible floodplain management strategies, was last reauthorized as part of the CR enacted in March. Current authorities are due to expire September 30. Historically, NFIP reauthorization has been bipartisan. Earlier this year, Senators John Kennedy (R-LA) and Mike Rounds (R-ND) launched a Senate Banking Committee working group to focus on modernizing the program to guarantee its long-term sustainability. Various proposals are under consideration to improve mapping and enhance transparency, reform the Federal Emergency Management Agency’s (FEMA) risk rating system, encourage mitigation strategies, cap premiums and ensure affordability for policyholders, and cap interest payments to maintain solvency. Despite the importance of a long-term authorization to stability for policyholders and growth of the private flood insurance market, anything more than another short-term extension is unlikely given the abbreviated timeframe for action. It is widely expected that an NFIP extension will ride on the anticipated late-September government funding bill. NFIP has briefly lapsed four times, the last being in 2011. Should there be a lapse in authorities, FEMA would be unable to issue new flood insurance or renew existing policies.

Cybersecurity Information Sharing Act (CISA): The Cybersecurity Information Sharing Act (CISA) of 2015, a key piece of legislation that facilitates cyberthreat information sharing between the private sector and government, is set to expire on September 30. Notably, CISA incentivizes information on cyber threats by offering liability protections to companies that participate in the CISA Automated Indicator Sharing (AIS) program. There is generally bipartisan support for CISA, which was on full display during hearings held in the House Homeland Security Committee and the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence (HPSCI) earlier this year. Further, Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Secretary Kristi Noem called on Congress to reauthorize CISA during her FY26 budget hearing in the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee (HSGAC). While there is consensus on continuing CISA, debate continues over whether Congress should pass a simple extension or seek to update the original statute. The Trump Administration has expressed support for a clean reauthorization, while other stakeholders argue that tweaks are needed. These could include updates to address emerging threats and technologies like artificial intelligence (AI), tackle new privacy concerns, and turn the tide on declining participation by addressing technical difficulties and adding greater value for entities that voluntarily share information on cyber threats. With the timeline short to prevent a lapse, it seems most likely we will see at least a short-term extension of CISA as we approach the end of the fiscal year. The State and Local Cybersecurity Grant Program, also set to expire on September 30, could also be addressed as part of any CISA legislation, though HSGAC Chairman Rand Paul (R-KY) has expressed concerns about the cost of the program and continued tasking of the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency to counter misinformation.

Small Business Innovation Research (SBIR)/Small Business Technology Transfer (SBTT) Programs: The SBIR and STTR programs, which small businesses have leveraged to support research and development (R&D) and commercialization of new technologies, have typically enjoyed support on both sides of the aisle. Last reauthorized in a bipartisan fashion and updated to reflect national security reforms and include performance benchmarks in 2022, SBIR and STTR are currently set to expire on September 30. While leaders of both parties have expressed interest in continuing these programs and tackling the issue when Congress returns in September, most of the work to date on SBIR and STTR reauthorization has focused on partisan approaches. Senate Small Business Committee (SBC) Chair Joni Ernst (R-IA) and House Small Business Committee Chair Roger Williams (R-TX) have championed the INNOVATE Act, which would adjust SBIR and STTR funding allocations, introduce new award types, and impose new limitations on funding availability. Meanwhile, SBC Ranking Member Ed Markey (D-MA) and House Small Business Committee Ranking Member Nydia Velazquez (D-NY) are pushing their SBIR/STTR Reauthorization Act, which would increase funding allocations, make both programs permanent, and expand program utilization. The timeline is short to reconcile the differences between the competing bills, suggesting that a straight extension is possible as the Small Business Committees continue to work through proposed reforms. An extension could be attached to the NDAA.

Other Areas of Bipartisan Interest

Shipbuilding: Across the partisan spectrum, there is consensus that America’s shipbuilding industry is in crisis. Wracked by cost overruns, workforce development concerns, and supply-chains disrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic and tariff threats, the U.S. ability to compete in the Indo-Pacific region is under threat by a degraded ship manufacturing ecosystem. Sens. Todd Young (R-IN) and Mark Kelly (D-AZ) and Reps. Trent Kelly (R-MS) and John Garamendi (D-CA) have reintroduced the bipartisan and bicameral SHIPS for America Act. This comprehensive legislation would create a tax-credit for shipyards, simplify bureaucratic regulations at the Coast Guard, and set a goal of building 250 U.S. flagged merchant ships over the next decade. The effort, introduced in two bills separating tax provisions and programmatic changes, has garnered support from Trump Administration officials and the president himself. Passage of the two-part SHIPS Act could come as standalone Congressional action, but there is likely a stronger possibility it rides on a larger vehicle like the NDAA. Another candidate to accompany the SHIPS Act on the NDAA might be the Protecting Public Naval Shipyards Act. Led by a bipartisan group of New England Senators including Sens. Jeanne Shaheen (D-NH), Maggie Hassan (D-NH), Susan Collins (R-ME), and Angus King (I-ME), the bill aims to safeguard workers at the nation’s four public naval shipyards from disruptive layoffs and hiring freezes. The Trump Administration has expressed keen interest in revitalizing U.S. shipbuilding capacity, as evidenced by the president’s March announcement of a new shipbuilding office to be housed within the National Security Council (NSC) and an April executive order on Restoring America’s Maritime Dominance. While these functions have since relocated from the White House to the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), the president continues to place emphasis on revitalizing the maritime industrial base.

Critical Minerals: Approximately 72 percent of U.S. rare earth minerals and 90 percent of rare earth magnets are imported from China, creating a recognizably dangerous reliance on supply chains that could be cut in the event of a conflict. In response, the Trump Administration has expressed keen interest in strengthening U.S. critical mineral security and diversifying supply chains, most prominently through the Department of Defense’s (DoD) recently inked partnership with MP Minerals and the U.S.-Ukraine Mineral Resources Agreement. There are numerous bipartisan bills that seek to strengthen the safety and reliability of the U.S. critical mineral supply chain while protecting the environment and promoting U.S economic competitiveness. Some of these efforts, like Reps. Adrian Smith (R-NW), Jimmy Panetta (D-CA), and Guy Reschenthaler’s (R-PA) Critical Minerals Investment Tax Modernization Act and Sens. Gary Peters (D-MI), James Lankford (R-OK), and Ernst’s Intergovernmental Critical Minerals Task Force Act, aim to bolster U.S. production of critical minerals. Others, like Sens. King and John Cornyn’s (R-TX) Critical Minerals Security Act; Sens. Chris Coons (D-DE) and Young’s STRATEGIC Minerals Act; and Reps. Young Kim (R-CA) and Ami Bera’s (D-CA) Minerals Security Partnership (MSP) Authorization Act are more focused on securing supply chains and deepening international partnerships. Yet another tranche of proposals, including the bicameral Critical Minerals Consistency Act championed by Sens. Mike Lee (R-UT) and Kelly and Reps. Juan Ciscomani (R-AZ) and Suzie Lee (D-NV) and the Critical Materials Future Act led by Sens. Young and John Hickenlooper (D-CO) aim to harmonize the Department of Energy (DOE) and U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) definitions of critical minerals and promote R&D. While it remains unclear which of these approaches will ultimately see action as part of the solution for guaranteeing the U.S. a strong supply of critical minerals, it seems increasingly unlikely this issue can be ignored given the stakes for U.S. national and economic security.

Artificial Intelligence (AI): Just before the August recess, the Trump Administration rolled out its AI Action Plan featuring more than 90 policy recommendations for accelerating innovation, building American AI infrastructure, and leading in international diplomacy and security. While there seems to be bipartisan consensus that comprehensive legislation on AI regulation is unlikely in this Congress, and Republicans may be interested in promoting partisan bills to codify elements of the AI Action Plan, numerous bipartisan proposals that might be considered low hanging fruit for action on AI remain. In fact, several Congressional offices have pointed to the TAKE IT DOWN Act as a model for advancing AI policy. This legislation tackling deepfakes passed the House by a 409-2 vote and the Senate by unanimous consent (UC). Bipartisan proposals run the gamut from national security measures to research-focused efforts to domestic workforce development initiatives. For example, House China Select Committee Chairman John Moolenaar (R-MI) and Ranking Member Raja Krishnamoorthi (D-IL) and Sens. Rick Scott (R-FL) and Peters have introduced the No Adversarial AI Act, which aims to keep AI developed in China and other adversarial countries out of the U.S. Government. More domestically focused, Reps. Don Beyer (D-VA) and Jay Obernolte (R-CA) continue to champion the Create AI Act, which would establish a National Artificial Intelligence Research Resource (NAIRR), creating a pool of shared national resources that further access to the infrastructure and compute power needed to support advanced AI-research. Senate Majority Leader John Thune and Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D-MN) also intend to reintroduce their AI Research, Innovation, and Accountability Act, perhaps in anticipation of a rumored Senate Commerce Committee AI-themed markup. Among several workforce and AI training bills, is Sen. Peters and Eric Schmitt’s (R-MO) AI & Critical Technology Workforce Act, which directs the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) to create an AI workforce development framework to help guide educational institutions and employers as they prepare workers to enter a world defined by these new technologies. While it is expected that AI provisions will appear in major packages that reach the president’s desk later this year, any consideration of significant AI policy proposals is likely to prompt debate on how to best harness the powers of AI for good while mitigating risk. Despite some key Republicans expressing interest in taking another run at the AI moratorium that was scrapped during reconciliation, many Congressional staffers foresee even greater pushback on efforts to preempt state laws as a growing number of states adopt their own AI policies.

Housing Reform: Housing prices and rental costs continue to surge in 2025, making housing reform a top issue on Capitol Hill. Earlier this year, Banking Committee Chair Tim Scott (R-SC) and Ranking Member Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) reintroduced an updated version of their 2023 Renewing Opportunity in the American Dream (ROAD) to Housing Act. This latest iteration, reported out of the Senate Baking, Housing, and Urban Affairs Committee just before the August recess and primed for floor action this fall, increases incentives for municipalities to reform exclusionary zoning and land-use regulations by tying compliance to competitive infrastructure grant eligibility through the Department of Transportation (DOT) and the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). It also expands eligibility to rural and mid-size municipalities struggling with housing supply constraints. The House Financial Services Committee has also been active on housing reform. Since the start of the 119th Congress, the committee has held hearings focused on housing affordability and supply challenges. Bipartisan House legislation that has attracted attention includes Reps. Darin LaHood (R-IL) and Suzan DelBene’s (D-WA) Affordable Housing Credit Improvement Act, Rep. Mike Kelly (R-PA) and John Larson’s (D-CT) Neighborhood Homes Improvement Act, and Rep. Mike Flood (R-NE) and Brittany Petterson’s (D-CO) Housing Supply Frameworks Act. Whether any of these bipartisan proposals move forward could hinge on support from the Trump Administration, which has articulated its own priorities for housing reform. Administration officials have emphasized deregulation, proposing a “Federal Housing Deregulation Toolkit” aimed at reducing environmental reviews and permitting requirements for federally subsidized housing projects.

Cryptocurrency: Congressional action on the GENIUS Act, which President Trump signed into law in July, suggests that increased attention and ramped up lobbying on cryptocurrency, coupled with the administration’s desire to enhance U.S. leadership on digital assets, could foster an environment where additional legislation moves on a bipartisan basis. The GENIUS Act, which passed the House by a 308-122 vote and the Senate by a 68-30 vote, establishes a regulatory framework for stablecoins, bringing the digital currency into the mainstream and increasing the likelihood that major U.S. financial institutions establish their own digital currencies. In addition to advancing this bill, the House passed two other cryptocurrency bills by bipartisan votes In July. These measures now await Senate action. One is the CLARITY Act. Championed by House Financial Services Chair French Hill (R-AR), this legislation would create a comprehensive regulatory structure, defining roles for the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC) and Securities Exchange Commission (SEC) as the primary regulators of cryptocurrencies. A competing discussion draft bill released by the Senate Banking Committee in late July, the Responsible Financial Innovation Act, takes a different approach to regulating digital assets by granting more authority to the SEC and characterizing cryptocurrency as an ancillary asset. The other House-passed bill, the Anti-Central Bank Digital Currency (CBDC) Surveillance State Act, led by House Majority Whip Tom Emmer (R-MN), would prohibit the Federal Reserve from issuing a CBDC and codify President Trump’s executive order prohibiting federal agencies from exploring CBDC development. The future of these bills remains uncertain, especially as Democrats have voiced concerns about consumer protection, the environmental impacts of cryptocurrency mining, consequences for the traditional financial system, and conflicts of interest for members of the Trump family with interests in the crypto industry. However, increased action on cryptocurrency at the state-level could increase the likelihood of further federal legislative action.

Aviation Safety: After several close calls at America’s airports and the tragic January 29 crash between American Airlines Flight 5342 and a military helicopter above the Potomac River, a bipartisan push for new airline safety legislation has gained steam. A primary focus has been on Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) staffing shortages, which have left air-traffic control towers across the country severely understaffed. Bipartisan and bicameral legislation proposed by Reps. Nick Begich (R-AK) and Greg Stanton (D-AZ) and Sens. John Hoeven (R-ND), Shaheen, and Jerry Moran (R-KS), the Air Traffic Control Workforce Development Act, would enhance workforce development training, create a retention incentive program to keep controllers on the job, and improve mental health initiatives for controllers. Commerce Committee Chair Ted Cruz (R-TX) has also introduced legislation, the ROTOR Act, to specifically target helicopter safety in the aftermath of the American Airline collision. It would require Automatic Dependent Surveillance – Broadcast (ADS-B) technology, a form of advanced radar, to be installed on helicopters and end the authorization for DoD helicopters to fly within the U.S. without utilizing ADS-B. Meanwhile, Commerce Committee Ranking Member Maria Cantwell (D-WA) has led the Safe Operation of Shared Airspace Act, the Democratic counterproposal. There is also bipartisan interest in addressing airline passenger safety. A group of lawmakers led by Reps. Nick Langworthy (R-NY), Jack Bergman (R-MI), and Marc Veasey (D-TX) is looking to close loopholes in Transportation Security Administration (TSA) screening that allow some passengers, such as those on smaller, ticketed charter flights, to bypass primary security measures. Their bill, the Safer Skies Act, would hold smaller flight providers to the same security standards as major commercial airlines. While the next FAA reauthorization bill is not expected until 2028, these bills could be taken up as standalone legislation or specific aviation safety reforms could be attached to larger packages, like the NDAA, that move this fall. 

Permitting Reform: Permitting reform has long been a topic of bipartisan interest. In the last Congress, the bipartisan Energy Permitting Reform Act (EPRA) championed by former Sen. Joe Manchin (I-WV) and Sen. John Barrasso (R-WY) was reported out of the Senate Energy and Natural Resources (ENR) Committee but never received a floor vote. This bill was intended to accelerate and achieve efficiencies in the permitting processes for various energy projects, including renewables, fossil fuels, mining, and transmission lines. There is new momentum to move permitting reform forward with Reps. Bruce Westerman (R-AR) and Jared Golden’s (D-ME) Standardizing Permitting and Expediting Economic Development (SPEED) Act. By streamlining and simplifying the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), the bill aims to reduce burdensome requirements and unnecessary litigation known to delay infrastructure projects. It is possible that permitting reform is displaced by other priorities as we head into the fall. However, if a permitting reform bill does not hitch a ride on a moving legislative package this year, a bipartisan group of House lawmakers, spearheaded by House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee Chair Sam Graves (R-MO) and Ranking Member Rick Larsen (D-WA), has already pitched the upcoming Surface Transportation Reauthorization as a potential vehicle for large-scale environmental permitting reforms. The current authorization expires September 30, 2026, though work on the next surface transportation bill is expected to get underway this year.

Disaster Relief and Response: 2025 has already seen a surge in deadly flooding and wildfires, resulting in skyrocketing insurance premiums and growing bipartisan consensus on the need to improve the federal government’s ability to respond to natural disasters. The onset of the Atlantic Hurricane Season could increase the urgency of Congressional reforms or acute disaster relief packages. In wake of public statements suggesting that the Trump Administration may be considering the elimination or significant restructuring of FEMA, a number of bipartisan bills have dropped to reform and support America’s beleaguered disaster relief agency. Notably, House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee Chair Graves and Ranking Member Larsen have released a bill to overhaul FEMA. This legislation, the Fixing Emergency Management for Americans (FEMA) Act, would streamline FEMA’s bureaucracy and give the agency greater independence, removing it from the Department of Homeland Security’s (DHS) purview and restoring its status as a cabinet level agency. On the heels of disastrous wildfires in California, Hawaii, and Texas, Congress has also looked to act on forest management and fire prevention. Earlier this year, a bipartisan group of Members, led by House Natural Resources Committee Chair Bruce Westerman (R-AR) and Ranking Member Scott Peters (D-CA), introduced the Fix Our Forests Act. This package of forestry reforms includes new language to mitigate frivolous lawsuits against forestry projects, new designations for fireshed management areas, the creation of emergency fireshed management programs, and a revision and extension of the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) and Department of the Interior’s (DOI) Good Neighbor Authority (GNA) program. The Fix Our Forest Acts passed the House in a bipartisan vote of 279-141 in January. The Senate Agriculture Committee held a hearing on the bill in March. Companion legislation was introduced in April by Sens. John Curtis (R-UT), Hickenlooper, Alex Padilla (D-CA), and Tim Sheehy (R-MT), though it has yet to be considered on the Senate floor.

Russia Sanctions: All eyes are on Washington as Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and European leaders arrive for a readout of President Trump’s first bilateral meeting of his second term with Russian President Vladimir Putin. The August 15 summit between the two leaders was expected to focus on negotiating an end to the Russia-Ukraine War. Going into the meeting, the Trump Administration was telegraphing that Russia could face very severe consequences if Putin does not demonstrate a willingness to pursue peace with Ukraine. However, despite coming out of the meeting without a ceasefire agreement, President Trump now appears less inclined to pursue new sanctions on Russia. Prior to the Alaska summit, bipartisan support for ramping up sanctions against Russia had been growing. Written by Sens. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) and Richard Blumenthal (D-CT), the Sanctioning Russia Act would impose sanctions and secondary tariffs up to 500% on countries that aid Russia’s war effort through trade. The bill has 85 Senate co-sponsors, evidencing support in Congress to send the bill to the president’s desk. Earlier this summer, efforts to pass the bill gained momentum as President Trump expressed frustration with Putin and threatened to unilaterally impose sanctions against Russia. However, in late July, President Trump altered his declaration, shortening the timeline for Putin to act towards a peace deal from 50 days to just a 10-12-day deadline. Majority Leader Thune has since pumped the brakes on bringing the Graham-Blumenthal legislation to a vote, at least for now, and Sen. Graham has expressed deference to the president. However, depending on the outcome of upcoming diplomatic efforts, this bill could remain waiting in the wings and quickly put on the floor should the administration signal that it would be helpful in supporting their strategy to coerce the Russian leader towards a peace deal. Likewise, the House appears inclined to take their cues from President Trump. When asked about a potential sanctions bill vote before the August recess, Majority Leader Steve Scalise (R-LA) said, “not right now.” 

Insider Trading: With public support for banning Congressional stock trading on the rise, the introduction of several bipartisan pieces of legislation, and both House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA) and Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-NY) vocalizing support for a stock trading ban earlier this year, it is possible that legislative efforts to address insider trading will remain a prominent issue. While statute currently requires Members of Congress and senior government officials, including the president and the vice president, to disclose their stock trades within 30 days and bans trading on insider information obtained from public service, requirements under the STOCK Act have come to be viewed as inadequate. Just before the August recess, Sen. Josh Hawley (R-MO) joined all HSGAC Democrats to advance the PELOSI Act, which would prohibit Members of Congress and their spouses from trading or holding individual stocks. It specifically exempts Trump Administration officials, with the stock ban only applying to future administrations. Though the bill is named after former House Speaker and current Rep. Nancy Pelosi (D-CA), who has faced scrutiny and criticism over her husband’s stock trades, Rep. Pelosi has offered her backing to the bill. After negotiations with Democrats, the bill has now come to be known as the HONEST Act. Despite being reported out of committee with bipartisan support, it is unclear if the bill will receive floor time in the GOP-controlled Senate. Meanwhile, House lawmakers could debate their own Congressional stock trading ban. In late July, Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-FL) announced that she will pursue a discharge petition to force a floor vote on Rep. Tim Burchett’s (R-TN) End Congressional Stock Trading Act when Congress returns in September. Though discharge petitions rarely succeed, bipartisan conversations aimed at reaching agreement on some kind of Congressional stock trading ban continue. Aside from Rep. Burchett’s bill, the TRUST in Congress Act, a bipartisan bill introduced at the start of the 119th Congress by Reps. Chip Roy (R-TX) and Seth Magaziner (D-RI), continues to receive attention in the House. This comprehensive proposal, which would require Members of Congress, their dependents, and spouses to divest from individual stock holdings or place them in a qualified blind trust during their time in office, had a robust list of 88 bipartisan cosponsors as of early August.

Conclusion 

When lawmakers return in September, the push towards a government funding deal will likely be fast and messy. While the forthcoming fight on government funding might drive lawmakers to posture from partisan corners, we continue to believe that no matter how ugly things get, Congress will remain capable of working in a bipartisan manner. This list of issues that Republicans and Democrats might come together to tackle is by no means exhaustive, but it reinforces the importance of engaging with Members and the leadership of both parties as the fall legislative agenda comes more clearly into view.